Some 10 years ago, the federal cabinet was examining the possibility of selling surplus power to India. Today, thanks to the Musharraf regime’s criminal neglect of this sector, we are facing a crippling power shortage.
Islamabad has little to show for its efforts to secure energy sources over the years, apart from signing numerous memorandums of understanding.
As far back as 1993, an MOU was signed to construct the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project that India later wanted to join. It envisaged a 2,670km land pipeline with a 3,620 mmcfd gas transmission capacity.
A year later, an MoU was signed to bring gas from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan. In 2002 an agreement envisaging a pipeline over 1,271km up to Multan was also signed. It enjoyed US support, but continuing turmoil in Afghanistan, coupled with Turkmenistan’s inability to provide convincing proof of its gas reserves, is preventing progress. Then there is the Qatar-Pakistan pipeline under consideration since April 1992.
Many experts are convinced that it is only the IPI project that is technically viable and economically attractive. But US opposition has prevented any concrete movement on it. In the past year or so, India has lost some of its ardour for it, partly because of the US civilian nuclear deal and partly because of the high price demanded by Iran.
The Pakistani leadership claims to be committed to it, pointing to the presence of Presidents Zardari and Ahmadinejad at the signing ceremony of the gas sale agreement earlier on.
However, a recent controversy is causing concern. The petroleum adviser has resigned a couple of weeks after his startling disclosure that two countries, one western and the other in the Middle East, were applying pressure on Pakistan to abandon the project.
This had come as a rude shock to those who were reminded that the Indian petroleum minister Mani Shankar Aiyar had been eased out soon after his public defence of the project. No less significant was a news report that the country’s premier intelligence agency had expressed its reservations with the project, suggesting that Pakistan look for other options. Now we hear that the entire issue may be placed before parliament where it could be lost in debate for years.
Have we succumbed to external pressure and abandoned the only ‘doable gas pipeline project? The nation deserves to know. In the meanwhile, the world’s major powers are engaged in a frantic search to secure assured sources of energy by building transmission lines to move gas from the energy-rich Gulf and Central Asia to energy-starved Europe.
The latest to be launched is the Nabucco project, for which many of Europe’s statesmen gathered in Ankara last month. They were joined by US special envoy on Eurasian energy issues, Richard Morningstar, who some 10 years earlier had been instrumental in getting everyone on board the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Oil Pipeline project despite Russia’s opposition.
The 3,300km Nabucco project, signed by Turkey, Austria, Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary, is estimated to cost $11bn and is projected to transport Central Asian gas bypassing Russia, going via Turkey to Austria and Germany through Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary. With four entry points into Turkey, it will ultimately tap gas from diverse sources and pump enough gas to meet five to 10 per cent of the European Union’s needs.
However, it is Iran’s involvement that makes the Nabucco pipeline so intriguing, for it will make it the transit corridor for Turkmenistan gas that will eventually go into the pipeline. For this, Iran has entered into an arrangement with Turkmenistan, with the two agreeing that instead of constructing a pipeline from Turkmenistan along the bottom of the Caspian Sea, they would transport Turkmen gas to Europe via existing pipelines to Turkey.
This means that Tehran has decided that while Washington explores how to rebuild relations with it, it can forge a strategic partnership with Europe, a view confirmed by the Turkish energy minister.
The Nabucco project represents a setback for Russia, as it will enable Europe to diversify its energy supplies. This explains why it had been promoting the South Stream project as an alternative to Nabucco, persuading the Balkan and Central European countries to opt for it. It may also mean that Turkmenistan is moving away from Russia and getting closer to the US, which could transform the Caspian energy sweepstakes.
With Russian gas supplies dwindling and surplus for export shrinking, Gazprom is even more dependent on Turkmenistan which currently produces 80,000mmcfd annually out of which most is sold to Russia. However, in recent months, supplies to Russia have been cut back sharply, because of an explosion on the Soviet-era Central Asia-Centre pipeline.
In the meanwhile, Turkmenistan has also agreed to increase its contracted gas supplies to China via a pipeline nearing completion. In addition, Turkmenistan has agreed to step up gas supplies for the Nabucco pipeline, which means that Turkmenistan intends to reduce its dependence on Russia. This could encourage other Central Asian energy producers to move away from Russia and opt for European markets through pipelines not going through Russian territory.
This means that Turkey is fast becoming the ideal transit country to carry non-Russian gas from Egypt, Iraq, Iran, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan to Europe, thereby assuming the role of an energy hub for Europe. But Turkey is careful not to antagonise Russia, a neighbour, top trading partner and main gas supplier.
Turkey is already linked directly to Russia through the Blue Stream gas pipeline, which runs under the Black Sea. Hoping to attract Russia and Kazakh oil, Ankara is promoting a pipeline from its Black Sea port of Samsun to Ceyhan on the Mediterranean coast, which already serves us a terminal for conduits pumping oil from Azerbaijan via Iraq.
While the world’s powerful states are scrambling to acquire secure sources of energy, we have failed to move on even one pipeline project, which only shows how oblivious our leadership has been to the country’s increasingly desperate need for energy.
Thursday, August 13, 2009
Friday, June 19, 2009
EU and Pakistan
President Asif Ali Zardari’s summit meeting with the EU’s current presidency is expected to open a new chapter in Pakistan’s relations with Europe.
The statement issued after the summit in Brussels spoke of kick-starting a strategic dialogue covering security, aid, trade and measures to promote democracy. This is most encouraging. As Mr Javier Solana, the EU’s high representative for the 27-member bloc’s Common Foreign and Security Policy, wrote in this newspaper, a secure and stable Pakistan is essential for the people of Europe.
Therefore the EU perceives Pakistan’s war against terrorism to be a joint endeavour. This will be widely welcomed because Islamabad is well aware that its fight against the Taliban cannot be undertaken single-handedly, given its limited resources. In this context, the EU’s offer to help Pakistani police in their fight against militancy should be of enormous practical value since this is an area where Pakistan is on weak ground. Similarly, the EU’s offer of 72m euros as humanitarian aid for the IDPs should boost Islamabad’s relief and rehabilitation efforts for the war-affected people.
The summit in Brussels also signals the broadening of relations between the EU and Pakistan. As Mr Solana observed, this relationship that was mainly about trade has moved towards a strategically focused partnership. This is not simply because of Pakistan’s changed circumstances. The EU has also developed from a regional grouping for economic cooperation into a major political entity under the Treaty of Amsterdam of 1997. But this should not detract from the EU’s role as a global economic power and how it can use this potential for promoting peace.
Thus the EU is Pakistan’s major trading partner which accounted for 20 per cent of its trade in 2007 when it imported 3.8bn euros worth of Pakistani goods. Yet at Wednesday’s summit some Europeans concerned about their own industries resisted moves to offer tariff concessions to Pakistan as an incentive to stimulate its economy. In the end, all it received was a vague offer of a free-trade agreement some time in the future. It is time the industrialised world understood that Third World countries can benefit more from trade incentives rather than having aid poured into their coffers.
Wednesday, May 13, 2009
Bangladesh urges Pakistan apology for 1971 ‘crimes’
Bangladesh's Foreign Minister Dipu Moni speaking at a news conference in Dhaka. –Reuters Photo
DHAKA: Bangladesh on Wednesday urged Pakistan to apologise formally for alleged atrocities committed by its army during Bangladesh’s bloody liberation struggle in 1971.
Bangladeshi officials have said three million people were killed during the fight for independence for what was then East Pakistan, and the new government in Dhaka has vowed to try suspected war criminals.
In a meeting with Pakistan’s High Commissioner on Wednesday, Foreign Minister Dipu Moni raised the issue of ‘seeking formal apologies by Pakistan for the genocide in 1971,’ a written statement said.
A Pakistani envoy told Bangladesh in February to let ‘bygones be bygones’ and rejected plans to try those accused of murder, rape and arson.
A private Dhaka-based group that has investigated the conflict has named 1,775 people, including Pakistani generals and local militants allied with Pakistan, as war crime suspects.
Wednesday, May 6, 2009
PAKISTAN is not a failed state
WASHINGTON: The United States on Tuesday quashed all speculations of a military takeover in Pakistan, saying that it would be terrible if it happened and Washington would oppose it strongly.
US special envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan Richard Holbrooke touched on a number of sensitive issues in his testimony before the House Foreign Affairs Committee.
He revealed that Pakistan had used F-16s for bombing extremist targets in Bajaur and Swat.
He opposed linking US aid to allowing access to Dr A.Q. Khan and indicated that the US might be working on a programme with Pakistan to block FM radio broadcasts by pro-Taliban clerics.
‘Our goal must be unambiguously to support and help stabilise a democratic Pakistan headed by its elected president, Asif Ali Zardari,’ Richard Holbrooke, the US special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan, told Congress.
‘We have the highest strategic interests in supporting this government,’ he said.
Asked how Washington would react if the military toppled an elected government in Pakistan, Mr Holbrooke said: ‘We are strongly opposed to that … it will be terrible.’
Mr Holbrooke also used his testimony to convey a message of support for Pakistan, its government and the military.
‘Pakistan’s of such immense importance to the United States, strategically and politically,’ he said. ‘We do not think Pakistan is a failed state.’
The US envoy insisted it was important for the US lawmakers also to understand that while Pakistan was under ‘tremendous social, political and economic stress’, it was wrong to describe it as a failed state.
A.Q. KHAN ISSUE
Even on the issue of nuclear proliferation, which evokes an emotional outburst from ordinary US citizens as well, Mr Holbrooke refused to browbeat Pakistan.
When a lawmaker suggested that the US aid to Pakistan should be linked to allowing American lawmakers to question Dr Khan, Mr Holbrooke said it would be a mistake to do so.
He said that this issue should have been tackled by the Bush administration and that the Obama administration would do all it could to prevent Dr Khan and others from spreading nuclear technology.
‘I have raised this issue with the government of Pakistan and they told me that it happened during the previous government,’ he said.
Mr Holbrooke said that while he supported seeking further assurances from Pakistan on this issue, ‘linking it to US aid will not help’.
The US envoy rejected the suggestion that the Obama administration was seeking a deal with Mr Zardari’s political rival, Nawaz Sharif and that’s why it had established regular contacts with the PML-N leader.
‘It is not true,’ he said. ‘Why we have contacted him? We have similar relations with other politicians as well. We do have a relationship with the opposition leader in Britain too.’
FM TRANSMISSIONS
The US envoy said he did not understand why the United States did not have a plan to block FM radio transmissions by pro-Taliban clerics in Swat.
Mr Holbrooke noted that the clerics used mobile FM units, mounted on motorbikes, for transmitting their messages and it should not be difficult to block such transmissions.
Mr Holbrooke said he had met President Zardari on Monday night and ‘immediately raised’ the issue of recent advances made by the militants in Swat and other places.
Mr Zardari, he said, reminded him that he had opposed the Swat deal but was forced to acquiesce. The events that unfolded during the past few weeks proved him write, Mr Holbrooke added.
The US envoy said that Pakistan had used F-16 aircraft against the militants in Bajaur and Swat but only during the daylight.
The US, he said, was now doing midlife upgrading of these F-16s and after the upgrading they could be used more effectively against the extremists.
Mr Holbrooke said that the DG ISI, who accompanied the presidential delegation to Washington, would stay in the US capital after the delegation left.
Karachi’s women: Persecuted or paranoid?
KARACHI: Farah, a 29-year-old who manages a courier service on Karachi’s Korangi Road, keeps herself covered in a white chador while driving through the city these days. ‘I’m not taking any chances if the Taliban are here,’ she says, covering up her usual attire of jeans and a short top.
In recent weeks, women in Karachi have become increasingly wary of the threat posed by militants from the northern areas who have allegedly infiltrated the port city. Reports that Taliban commanders have relocated to Karachi for fear of drone attacks in Quetta have coincided with a spate of incidents of female harassment. Although panic levels are high, women who have been targeted are reluctant to go public with their experiences. As a result, the city is rife with rumours, and people like Farah are living in fear, but no official action to investigate who is threatening women is being taken.
State of fear
In the past few weeks, upper- and middle-class women have been approached by men, bearded and otherwise, and warned not to leave the house without covering themselves from head to toe. In some cases, the harassers have been armed. In others, they have threatened women with physical attacks in the future if they do not change their ways. Another form of harassment entails the families of young women receiving letters on behalf of the Taliban. In the letters, fathers are told that they must reign in their daughters who are accused of roaming freely and wearing western outfits. Some businessmen have even been asked to make ‘donations’ to the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan in order to secure their daughters’ safety.
Despite the widespread panic that news of these threats has provoked, few women are willing to go on the record or register an official complaint. As a result, the extent of the threat posed to Karachi’s young women remains unclear.
For example, a fashion designer who initially claimed in public that her clients had received letters critiquing their mode of dress and ‘warning them to cover up, or else,’ refused to confirm details when speaking to the press. Similarly, a woman who was reportedly told by her fruit seller not to return to his stall if she wasn’t ‘properly attired’ refused to discuss the incident with this correspondent.
This is not to say that women have not been targeted at all. Noor, a 19-year-old university student who asked that her last name be withheld for security reasons, confirms that she received a threat. ‘My friends and I were in a shop on Zamzama Boulevard when a bearded man entered. He told us to have sharam and only leave the house when covered from head to toe,’ she says.
Similarly, Wilma, an employee at a five-star hotel in the centre of the city, says she was shopping with some friends on Tariq Road when a man approached one of them and threatened to throw acid at her if she didn’t dress properly in the future. ‘Girls wearing capri pants are especially being targeted,’ she says.
Moreover, women’s rights activist Attiya Dawood says that she was walking with her daughters in Hilal Park, a walled-off park in Defence, when some young men began throwing eggs at them and yelling at women to go home and stay away from the park. ‘I can’t confirm who those men were,’ says Dawood, ‘but my brain went straight to the reports that Taliban militants or their sympathisers are trying to scare women out of public spaces.’
Unmasking the threat
Dawood is correct to admit that her thoughts went straight to the Taliban even though she cannot identify the men who threw eggs at her. The fact is, no clear proof is available to indicate who may be victimising Karachi’s women.
City government officials argue that the threats are part of the ‘Talibanisation’ of Karachi. ‘Ordinary people, mostly from the Pashto-speaking community, feel empowered by recent successes [such as the passage of the Nizam-i-Adl Regulation] in the northern areas and feel they have a license to approach Karachi’s public,’ says Naib Nazim Nasrin Jalil.
But there are many who are sceptical, pointing out that there is no clear indication that men who have approached women are affiliated with or sympathetic to Taliban militants. Irfan Bahadur, the district superintendent of Sohrab Goth, says that ‘militant-like’ activity has not been detected in the locality that many believe is housing Taliban foot soldiers who have come to Karachi seeking shelter. ‘Many rumours have been spread to cause fear and it’s difficult to keep track of what's true and what’s not,’ he says.
Specifically with regard to the issue of women being targeted, Bahadur points out that gossip seems to be outnumbering the facts. Recently, it was rumoured that pamphlets had been distributed around Sohrab Goth, urging women to stay at home and keep covered. ‘I have not seen such a pamphlet,’ says Bahadur, ‘and no one has taken the effort to show it to me.’ Indeed, members of various women’s rights groups confirm that they have not seen the flier.
Off the record
Owing to women’s reluctance to make official complaints or go on-the-record with their experience in the media, the city government and law-enforcing agencies have no basis on which to investigate the matter further. The identity of the perpetrators remains shrouded in mystery, and too many women are fearing the worst – an urban reign of the Taliban.
To address this problem and help quantify the extent of female harassment in Karachi, women’s rights groups are launching campaigns against what they describe as the ‘tribalisation’ of Pakistani cities. ‘We are trying to make women realize that they are victims of a criminal act and that they must speak up and take legal action if approached,’ explains Dr Kausar Saeed Khan of the Karachi-based Women’s Action Forum (WAF).
Meanwhile, Shama Askari, a member of Tehrik-e-Niswan, is organising a group to petition the Sindh governor to set up a helpline where women can report cases in which they are threatened on account of their behaviour or attire. While such an initiative would be welcome, it will not prove effective until Karachi’s women are willing to speak out against the forces that might be trying to oppress them.Talibanisation & Musharraf
While most people rightly blame Ziaul Haq for the rise of religious extremism in Pakistan, Musharraf’s role in bringing about Talibanisation in the country has been greatly overlooked.
Three decades ago Zia Haq chose the Hezb-i-Islami leader, Gulbadin Hikmatyar, as his favoured successor to Soviet rule in Afghanistan. After Zia’s death, the security establishment disenchanted with Hikmatyar’s lack of success replaced him in 1994 with the recently discovered Taliban. The Taliban’s seizure of Kabul in 1996 provided a boost for Pakistan’s security establishment. It provided Pakistan a foothold in Afghanistan and much-desired strategic regional depth to counter India.
Following the 9/11 attack in the US by Al Qaeda which was being sheltered by the Taliban Musharraf was forced to disown the Taliban regime. However, within days he announced on TV ‘I have done everything for the … Taliban when the whole world was against them….We are trying our best to come out of this critical situation without any damage to Afghanistan and the Taliban.’
Shortly afterwards, when the Taliban were ousted by the US-led invasion, Musharraf allowed tens of thousands of Taliban to enter Pakistan’s tribal belt, believing that opposing them would sideline Pakistan from the regional power game in Afghanistan. What was not revealed then was that a large number of Al Qaeda militants had used this opportunity to stealthily move into Pakistan as well. However, fearing direct US intervention, Musharraf vocally denied their existence within Pakistan.
Perhaps he imagined that the extremists would remain quiescent in Pakistan’s mountainous borderlands, but this was not to be. The military dictator’s personal agenda soon came in the way: Having flouted the constitution by coup d’état, Musharraf, like previous military dictators, became desperate for legal protection. This legal cover could only be provided by a compliant parliament.
Misusing his powers as army chief, Musharraf used his agencies to ensure that the 2002 election was rigged in Sindh and Punjab against the PPP and PML-N. This led to a rise of a motley bunch of politicians under the façade of the PML-Q. However, real damage was done in the NWFP and Balochistan, where the security agencies ensured the success of the religio-political alliance of the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal. As part of an understanding, Fazlur Rehman ensured that the MMA’s newly elected members of parliament united with the PML-Q to pass the 17th Amendment, legitimising all Musharraf’s unconstitutional acts.
Perceiving the two popular political parties — the PPP and PML-N — as a threat to his power, Musharraf became an inadvertent hostage to the MMA’s blackmailing. His backtracking in 2006 on repealing the Hudood Ordinances was just one example. The seats MMA ‘won’ in the National Assembly gave it serious clout in national affairs. Worse was that it also dominated the NWFP and Balochistan governments. The MMA government of NWFP moved quickly to impose a Taliban-like agenda. In a short space of time, the MMA produced a fertile environment for the spread of religious militancy throughout the NWFP and parts of Balochistan.
While the Taliban were perceived as essential to future Afghan policy, similar leniency was also applied to militant groups habitually infiltrating the Kashmir ceasefire line. The post-9/11 international crackdown on terrorism had given Musharraf much cause for worry. Initially he went on the offensive, proclaiming these militants valiant freedom fighters — in other words ‘good jihadists’ vs Al Qaeda, the ‘bad jihadists’.
However, the international pressure became too much to bear. Consequently, many of these groups were officially banned by Islamabad, and thus were forced to go underground and operate under different names. It became a game of smoke and mirrors. Every now and then a militant leader would be placed under house arrest and then released a few days later. Militant groups would be officially condemned on television while their workers continued to collect donations under different guises. While the Musharraf regime kept up appearances with the West, it felt impelled to maintain a working relationship with the MMA for its political survival. It also continued its linkages with the numerous politico-religious militant groupings in pursuit of its strategy for Afghanistan and India.
The MMA’s policy of providing succour to religious militancy, combined with Musharraf’s strategy of benign indifference, at best, towards the Taliban and Kashmiri militants, led to a perfect jihadi storm. Provided freedom, the militant groups gained momentum and developed linkages with each other and in some cases with Al Qaeda itself.
Soon the Taliban, with its new allies, spread its tentacles from Waziristan to the rest of Fata and later to Swat and beyond. Moreover, some of the militant groupings active in Kashmir had by now joined up with these transnational jihadist forces. Talibanisation had begun in earnest.
The Taliban crisis is a direct result of Musharraf’s legacy. For self-preservation he deliberately weakened the secular political structure, replacing it with a political environment which proved extremely conducive for religio-political militant groups that now threaten the existence of Jinnah’s Pakistan — ironically created as a refuge for the subcontinent’s Muslims.
It is time for a rethink. In this post-Musharraf scenario one can appreciate our security establishment’s preoccupation with external threats; that is their job after all. Nonetheless, why relentlessly pursue a policy to defend Pakistan externally which may, in itself, ultimately lead to the country’s destruction from within? Yes, hostility from neighbouring countries is a disturbing reality. But need we continue with a bungled policy which has led to destruction from within and failure without; Afghanistan remains a troubled dream and Kashmir a hopeless mirage.
It is time for an open discourse between parliamentary leaders and the security establishment to find a better solution to our problems. The protection of Pakistan’s river resources from encroachment is of vital importance; the survival of millions depends upon these rivers. However, this begs the question: if Pakistan disappears under the onslaught of religiosity, what use will all this water be? So, no matter how serious the water issue may be, it should, along with Kashmir, yield to a more pressing concern.
Obviously today’s most burning issue is the Talibanisation of large swathes of our country from where it appears to be spreading day by day, night by night. There is little point in berating the culprit. Recently in a foreign interview Musharraf offered his presidential services to save Pakistan from ‘self-destruction’. He is obviously delusional.
Friday, April 24, 2009
Understanding Balochistan
As tensions flare in Balochistan and the government alleges foreign involvement in the nationalist movement there, Dawn.com talks to Sanaullah Baloch, the Central Secretary Information of the Balochistan National Party – Mengal.
There has been no fair opportunity for Baloch nationalists to govern Balochistan. The first Baloch government headed by Sardar Ataullah Mengal was toppled in 1973 just before completing nine months. The second coalition government of Nawab Bugti worked for 18 months. The third, of Akhtar Mengal, was removed after 14 months. Not a single Baloch government was allowed to continue for a complete parliamentary period. That is why we hold Islamabad responsible for the Baloch people’s plight. Without giving authority to genuine Baloch leaders, we cannot blame them for the appalling state of affairs in the region.
Your name was placed on the Exit Control List (ECL) and your brothers were reportedly abducted by the agencies during the Musharraf government. Have you considered filing charges now that the judges have been reinstated?
My entire family, including my parents, was placed on the ECL. Our assets were frozen, my brother was abducted and kept in an illegal detention centre for six months, and I was physically attacked by Musharraf’s agents during a conference in London. My website and 36 other Baloch websites were blocked by Pakistan Telecommunications Authority.
As for filing charges, several Baloch political parties tried to file charges against Musharraf, but the country’s institutions lack the will or courage to accept our plea against him.
You advocate a non-violent, political struggle to accomplish BNP (Mengal)’s goals, but it was the Balochistan Liberation United Front that succeeded in pressurising Islamabad…
Unfortunately, our deaf regimes and policy makers are not used to logical arguments. They only understand the language of power, force, guns and canons. That is why several resistance movements in Pakistan have taken on an increasingly violent character. Unfortunately, this becomes the culture in states governed by dictatorial regimes.
However, I don’t think that the non-violent aspect of the Baloch struggle has been nonproductive. Our political struggle, media campaigns, diplomacy, extensive inquiries on Baloch deprivation and its expression has widened our support beyond Balochistan and Pakistan.
In that case, why did you resign from the Senate?
From 2002 to 2006, as an active member of the Senate, I did my best to highlight the Baloch people’s plight. I was elected by the people to protect their rights, but we could not stop Islamabad’s assault on Balochistan. We could not protect the innocent Baloch from disappearances, torture, displacement and we could not stop our resources’ unabated exploitation. That is why we decided to quit the parliament. It is better to be among the people and tell them the truth as opposed to giving them false hope.
You have previously said that the National Security Council (NSC) can ensure that Balochistan has greater autonomy over its resources. But you also emphasise on electoral politics. If the NSC is the deal-breaker, why bother with political deliberations?
Unfortunately, it is a reality in Pakistan that the corridors of power are outside the Parliament. The NSC is basically the visible face of the establishment that consists of civil-military elites. They approved the military operation against Balochistan and, without their consent, no political regime can undo their policy of continued suppression.
In Swat, the government has negotiated a deal with the Taliban. What message does this give to groups aspiring to a more autonomous Balochistan?
The establishment in Pakistan has always felt comfortable with religious groups as they do not challenge the centralised authority of the civil-military establishment. The demands of these groups are not political. They don’t demand economic parity. They demand centralised religious rule which is philosophically closer to the establishment’s version of totalitarianism.
Islamabad’s elite are stubborn against genuine Baloch demands: governing Balochistan, having ownership of resources, and control over provincial security.
Some people believe that Baloch nationalist groups are materially supported by India in its bid to destabilise the Pakistani federation. How do you respond to this allegation?
Unfortunately, this has been the culture in Pakistan that all legitimate political movements against injustice have been labeled as foreign machinations and leaders of those movements have been called traitors and agents. Even the credibility of the lawyers’ movement was questioned by the establishment. Human rights defenders have also been labeled foreign agents. These are old tactics that all despotic regimes use to undermine legitimate political movements.
The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) has promised resolving the Balochistan issue and President Asif Zardari recently announced a Rs 46.6bn package for Balochistan. Can the government shift the current Balochistan policy?
I am not optimistic about the PPP’s Balochistan policy. Musharraf promised and even spent more money to expand Islamabad’s strategic control over Balochistan. He pumped billions and officially decentralised corruption at all levels in the province to buy artificial sympathy, but failed. Millions were spent on media campaigns to prove that the central government is spending billions to develop Balochistan, but years of defective policies have further deteriorated the masses’ lives. Poverty only increased in Balochistan during Musharraf’s rule. According to one study, rural poverty in Balochistan increased 15 percent between 1999 and 2005. The only ‘development’ Balochistan has witnessed during Musharraf’s rule is the 62 percent increase in police stations.
Meaningful development can only occur if there is political empowerment, adequate healthcare, educational and employment opportunities and peace. At this moment, there is no spending in these sectors.
You have listed eight confidence-building measures that the federation can adopt to ease political tensions with Balochistan. Have any been implemented?
No. Displaced people are still living in appalling conditions, disappearances are still occurring, the military operation has only intensified and more senior Baloch nationalists are being intimidated, harassed and killed.
In a more autonomous Balochistan, how might the life of an average Baloch improve?
Political and economic empowerment will bring positive social change. It is unfair to blame the Baloch or tribal system for illiteracy, violations of women’s rights and poverty. How can people benefit from the existing system when there are more soldiers than teachers, more military cantonments and naval bases than universities and colleges, more police stations than vocational training centres?
In December 2008, a group in Quetta circulated pamphlets directing women to observe purdah. How will the BNP-M ensure security and respect for women?
We condemn all kinds of discrimination against women. Historically, Baloch society has been liberal when compared to other groups settled in and around the region. We have maintained a moderate identity since 1920 and have never used religious slogans to gain public support. However, the establishment has used religious groups to change Balochistan’s social fabric. There is no restriction and control on the Taliban in Balochistan, but agencies continue to intimidate Baloch nationalists.
Some analysts say that Baloch groups have been inconsistent in their struggle…
I can call it a gap or a pause rather than inconsistency. There has been suspension in the movement for many reasons. But as compared to other nationalist movements the Baloch struggle is surviving after continuous state suppression. Moreover, there are forged nationalist groups that have recently been created by the agencies to continue their policy of dividing and ruling.
Instead of always blaming Islamabad, why don’t Baloch leaders claim some responsibility for the current state of Balochistan?
There has been no fair opportunity for Baloch nationalists to govern Balochistan. The first Baloch government headed by Sardar Ataullah Mengal was toppled in 1973 just before completing nine months. The second coalition government of Nawab Bugti worked for 18 months. The third, of Akhtar Mengal, was removed after 14 months. Not a single Baloch government was allowed to continue for a complete parliamentary period. That is why we hold Islamabad responsible for the Baloch people’s plight. Without giving authority to genuine Baloch leaders, we cannot blame them for the appalling state of affairs in the region.
Thursday, April 23, 2009
Where were you, dear sisters?
Much has been said about the shameful performance of our parliament on April 13 when it approved the controversial Nizam-i-Adl Regulation without much of a murmur.
The two members who protested, MQM’s Farooq Sattar and the PML-N MNA from Chakwal, Ayaz Amir, have received much-deserved accolades — albeit given grudgingly to the MQM. But why did the others lose their voice? What happened to the women?
Why could not there be a full-fledged debate on an issue that promises to have a profound impact on the future of Pakistan? Its devastating implications for women have already started manifesting themselves, as demonstrated by reports from Karachi of men walking up to women demanding that they cover themselves ‘properly’. A woman even complained of having been threatened with a gun. These incidents vindicate the fears that have been expressed in women’s circles about the tidal wave of Talibanisation sweeping the country.
It was the failure — or helplessness — of our parliamentarians that was disturbing. It is now clear that military rule and pseudo democracy under the patronage of the army have wrought untold ravages on Pakistan’s political institutions over the years, undermining democratic structures so badly that even the restoration of democracy has not revived their working fully.
The failure of their representatives to articulate public concern on that fateful day has upset women all over the country. It has prompted an angry email from Lila Thadani of the Sindh Adyoon Tehrik, Sukkur, charging Bushra Gohar and Nafisa Shah (MNAs from the ANP and the PPP respectively) of acting for the sake of party ‘loyalty and transitory power.’
She says, ‘Remember dear sisters, your parliamentary slots will not remain for life. You will have to climb down and be with the rest of us. How will you be able to face us and the true reality after selling your soul to power? … Speak up or ship out, now. You are better outside than inside that pointless white cube of a parliament on Constitution Ave.’
It was, therefore, seen as a weak and belated rescue attempt when a female voice was raised in the house the next day. Sherry Rehman, the PPP MNA who recently bowed out as the information minister, made a spirited speech on a point of order expressing strong reservations about the implementation of the Nizam-i-Adl Regulation 2009 in Swat. Conceding that this system had been in force in the valley in the 1990s, she pointed out that circumstances were different then.
The state had executive control over the land unlike today when the writ of the ANP government doesn’t run there. She had a point when she said angrily, ‘I ask the ANP, which pressured the government to pass the regulation in the National Assembly, to tell us who will protect the rights of women in Swat now.’
Sherry also asked for a debate on the flogging incident, saying this act had been in clear violation of the laws of the land and pointed to the danger of people being subjected to Taliban vigilantism and public brutality. Yes Sherry’s fear is spot on — for this is exactly what worries people, mainly women, today, but not the parliamentarians who have yet to debate the flogging incident. Why the delay?
This question is to an extent answered by Aurat Foundation’s report, Performance of Women Parliamentarians in the 12th National Assembly, launched recently. It sheds some light on the attitudes of our lawmakers and confirms the non-role of the National Assembly in Pakistan’s system of governance. Sifting through a mountain of National Assembly records to collect data and statistics, Naeem Mirza and Wasim Wagha, the authors of the report, have made a monumental contribution to the recording of parliamentary history.
No analysis is needed to show the shoddy performance of the Assembly that functioned in 2002-2007. Figures speak louder than words. Here is some striking statistical information taken from the report: The assembly held a total of only 43 sessions in five years and met on 608 working days. It failed to fulfill the minimum requirement of 130 days in the final year when it met on 83 days.
This information does not reveal the entire truth for each day’s session on an average lasted for less than an hour in the first year and two hours in the following years. Sixty-eight times the quorum was not complete and only 50 bills were passed in five years (mostly without a debate) of which 38 became acts. The 12th assembly may have operated under the shadows of a military dictatorship but this does not exonerate parliamentarians for their indifferent performance.
The report focuses on women and their efforts to preserve the public space they have created for themselves in politics. It sheds light on the grit of a handful of women parliamentarians (60 on reserved seats and 13 on general seats) in a house of 342 who took bold initiatives and struggled against heavy odds to make their presence felt. The assessment of women parliamentarians is purely in quantitative terms.
They emerge as an active lot who spoke prolifically (3,698 interventions), questioned sensibly (2,724 questions) and took their responsibilities seriously. But who were these women? The report grades the first 25. And is it surprising that of these 22 were from the opposition parties? Now that the boot is on the other foot their parliamentary activism has been muted. The MMA women who continue to sit on the opposition benches admit that they do not believe in challenging the male public space.
What is needed is an analysis of the role of women parliamentarians in the context of the freedom allowed to them. Evidently at the root of the problem is the flawed mode of election of women legislators on reserved seats. Appointed from party lists, they are denied a constituency while their fate is in the hands of the party leadership, predominantly male. Since women parliamentarians are unwilling to join hands across party lines on issues concerning women there is no hope that their problems will be resolved through political processes.Pakistan giving up to militants
WASHINGTON: US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said on Wednesday she believed the Pakistani government was abdicating to the Taliban and other militants.
In a testimony before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Mrs Clinton warned that nuclear-armed Pakistan was becoming a ‘mortal threat’ to the world.
‘I think that the Pakistani government is basically abdicating to the Taliban and to the extremists,’ Mrs Clinton said.
She was referring to a deal Pakistan concluded with the Taliban militants in Swat, which gives them complete control over the valley. On Tuesday, the militants also took over Buner, just 60 miles from Islamabad.
Mrs Clinton also urged Pakistanis, living both in and outside the country, to realise how terrorism threatened the very existence of their state.
‘Pakistan poses a mortal threat to the security and safety of our country and the world,’ Mrs Clinton said.
‘And I want to take this occasion ... to state unequivocally that not only do the Pakistani government officials, but the Pakistani people and the Pakistani diaspora ... need to speak out forcefully against a policy that is ceding more and more territory to the insurgents.’
Mrs Clinton said the Pakistani government had to deliver basic services to its people or it would find itself losing ground to the Taliban, whose influence had spread in northern Pakistan and had raised concerns about the stability of the country.
‘The government of Pakistan ... must begin to deliver government services, otherwise they are going to lose out to those who show up and claim that they can solve people’s problems and then they will impose this harsh form of oppression on women and others,’ she said.
‘(We) cannot underscore the seriousness of the existential threat posed to the state of Pakistan by the continuing advances now within hours of Islamabad that are being made by a loosely confederated group of terrorists and others who are seeking the overthrow of the Pakistani state,’ Mrs Clinton said.
‘I don’t hear that kind of outrage or concern coming from enough people that would reverberate back within the highest echelons of the civilian and military leadership of Pakistan,’ she said.
Congressman Howard Berman, the chairman of the committee, also raised serious concerns about the state of Pakistan.
‘In recent weeks, extremists based in the western border regions have turned their guns on the Pakistani state, launching dramatic suicide attacks in the population centres of Islamabad and Lahore,’ Mr Berman said.
‘Equally troubling, the Pakistani government has cut a deal with the extremists that overran the Swat Valley — the latest in a string of failed agreements that has only emboldened the radicals.’
Mrs Clinton said President Obama’s new strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan, unveiled in March, included a focus on flushing Al Qaeda sanctuaries in Pakistan and on boosting civilian efforts to build up both Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Also on Wednesday, the top US military commander Admiral Michael Mullen arrived in Islamabad from Kabul for meetings with Pakistani officials.
Another US general, David Petraeus, told a Harvard forum on Tuesday that the ‘military situation in Afghanistan will probably deteriorate in the near term’. He said: ‘We do believe we can achieve progress, but it’s going to get worse before it gets better. ... There will be tough months ahead.’
Admiral Mullen told NBC news he was concerned about the prospect of both Afghanistan and Pakistan descending into chaos. ‘Pakistan — it’s a country that has nuclear weapons. My long-term worry is that descent ... should it continue, gives us the worst possible outcome there,’ he said.
US ‘Af-Pak’ strategy inadequate
WASHINGTON: US Senator John Kerry, who returned from a visit to Islamabad earlier this week, has said that the Obama administration does not seem to have ‘a real strategy’ for Pakistan.
In an interview to USA Today, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee said the Obama administration's plan for that volatile country, rolled out last month with great fanfare, ‘is not a real strategy.’
‘Pakistan is in a moment of peril. ... And I believe there is not in place yet an adequate policy or plan to deal with it,’ he said.
Senator Kerry's comments amounted to one of the most serious criticisms leveled by a Democrat at President Obama on foreign policy.
The newspaper noted that Senator Kerry's remarks were a change from his initial reaction to Obama's announcement of his plan for the region in a speech March 27, when Mr Kerry issued a statement calling it ‘realistic and bold.’
‘Obviously the president disagrees with the chairman on this, and the issues he raised are being aggressively worked in the president's new strategy,’ White House spokesman Tommy Vietor said in an e-mail to USA Today.
The senator advised the Obama administration to stop using the term ‘Af-Pak,’ to describe a unified strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan, because ‘I think it does a disservice to both countries and to the policy. The two governments, he said, are ‘very sensitive to it’ and ‘don't see the linkage.’
Senator Kerry's spokesman, Frederick Jones, told reporters that the presidents of Pakistan and Afghanistan are scheduled to embark on a rare joint visit to the US for meetings in May, and Mr Kerry plans to host them for lunch on May 7.
As an example of how he believes counterinsurgency strategy is lacking, Senator Kerry cited the example of a recent Pakistan army operation in Peshawar.
‘The army went in, they expended a lot of energy for us, some lives, and you know, nothing came in underneath it — absolutely nothing. So you're going to wind up with a bunch of folks who are going to hate you.’
‘If the army's going to take the risk of going in there, for God's sake you have the civil component coming in, so you win something for it,’ Mr Kerry said.
The Massachusetts senator has sponsored a bill that would steer $1.5 billion a year in aid to Pakistan. He said he opposes language in a companion bill in the House requiring the president to certify that Pakistan does not support terrorists. Pakistanis consider that ‘insulting,’ he said.
Late, Senator Kerry called a USA Today reporter to clarify his comments, saying he did not mean to criticize President Obama. ‘I was not blasting the president,’ he said. ‘What I'm saying is that the details have not been fleshed out. We're working hand in hand on it.’
Senator Kerry praised President Obama's stepped-up attacks against insurgents in Pakistan by unmanned US drone aircraft, saying they had driven ‘bad guys’ into Yemen.
‘I think it has had a dramatic impact, and I think that is one of the reasons why people are screaming about it,’ he said, adding that he did not think there have been inordinate civilian casualties.
Pakistan under siege
I cannot recall another time when there was such widespread despondency in the country. That this has happened within a year of the restoration of democracy is disappointing, but not surprising.Many of today’s problems are the legacy of history, in which global politics, regional considerations and bilateral rivalries, have all played a role.
Also disastrous have been the long spells of authoritarian rule that looked to foreign powers for legitimacy, while destroying institutions of state, crippling infrastructures and breeding anger and alienation among people especially in the smaller provinces. Neglecting social sectors such as health and education, and promoting an economy geared to enriching the rich, it drove millions into the cesspool of militancy.
The manner in which the government recently caved in to the demands of the Swat militants has spawned frightening scenarios. Irrespective of the merits of their case, no government can permit any individual or organisation to challenge its writ and get its demands accepted at gunpoint. That such an initiative should have come from the ANP and be embraced by the PPP is more painful.
Worse, this ‘deal’ has come at a time when the country is facing unprecedented challenges, internally and externally. The government, however, appears unaware of the double whammy to which it is vulnerable: the militants at home and western capitals losing faith in our will and capacity to confront them.
When former national security advisers, Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski, begin to air their Cassandra-like prognostications, it is time for our leaders to wake up. Recently, both spoke of Pakistan’s collapse as not only inevitable but imminent, with Kissinger describing Pakistan as ‘a country that has numerous nuclear weapons but no government’. He also advised the US to discuss with China, India and Russia how to handle the post-dismemberment scenario.
Brzezinski was no less blunt, warning that the current situation in Pakistan ‘puts us in a complicated situation’ as to how long America could ‘back such a democratic government which is passing through internal chaos’.
Many of us are given to blaming ‘foreign powers’ for the malaise that afflicts us. Given our geo-strategic importance, proximity to the world’s energy fields, access to the Indian Ocean and possession of nuclear weapons, it is not unlikely that some foreign agencies are involved in stirring up trouble. But blaming foreign powers does not absolve us from taking measures to deter them while ensuring good governance at home.
Some Pakistanis claim to be disappointed with Obama’s policies. This betrays a failure to understand the complex nature of the US system of checks and balances. Obama’s speech may not have satisfied us but it certainly was a skillful mix of old and new, revealing the many competing interests currently swirling around Afghanistan.
Though rejecting the call of fellow Democrats who opposed deeper involvement in Afghanistan, he promised to use ‘all elements of our national power’ to ‘disrupt dismantle and defeat Al Qaeda’. He also abandoned his predecessor’s goal of nation-building, while offering a plan for increased US military strength and massive injection of resources. There was no reference to the earlier flirtation with an exit strategy, but a greater focus on reaching out to the ‘moderate’ Taliban. This represents a well-thought-out approach keeping all options open.
It is, however, the policy of continuing with drone attacks that is causing deep heartburn among Pakistanis. As their frequency increases, so does the intensity of anti-American sentiments, making the government look both confused and ineffective. The drones may occasionally net a few Al Qaeda terrorists, but the collateral damage is deep and long-lasting, adding to the impression that the Obama administration is as callous as its predecessor and our own government as subservient as the authoritarian regime. A more acceptable option would be to carry out joint operations with the Pakistanis. This would also force the government to ‘own’ this policy, rather than seek refuge behind unconvincing excuses.
In the meantime, there is mischief afoot in the House Foreign Affairs Committee, where it appears that the Indian lobby has been most active. This is evident from the language of the Pakistan Enduring Assistance and Cooperation Act of 2009. After its approval, the bill will go to a House-Senate conference committee, along with the Senate’s Kerry-Lugar bill, for a compromise bill to be thrashed out. But rather than wait for that stage, it is incumbent on us to engage in a vigorous lobbying exercise to ensure that these demeaning provisions are taken out.
The other issue which has given rise to deep misgivings in Islamabad is the manner in which the Obama administration has modified its much celebrated ‘regional approach’. The expectation of US support for Pakistan-India normalisation as well as a satisfactory resolution of the Kashmir issue had renewed hopes for the region’s peace and development, as well as easing some of Pakistan’s concerns on its eastern frontier. But few in Washington could anticipate the intensity of Indian lobbying that constrained the administration to restrict Holbrooke’s mandate to Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Emboldened by this success, New Delhi appears to have also convinced the administration to pursue the Bush administration’s flawed policy of promoting India as the regional hegemon. Holbrooke’s remarks in Delhi may have been music to Indian ears, but offensive to Pakistan.
Obama has promised more troops and greater resources to Afghanistan. But this will not win the hearts and minds of the locals, unless there is an effort at genuine reconciliation within Afghanistan. In this context, he needs to reach out to moderate Taliban, who may ‘have taken up arms because of coercion or simply for a price’. The US would be making a grave mistake in making no distinction between Al Qaeda and the Taliban. Journals such as the Economist, have also emphasised that ‘for most Taliban fighters, the ideology of global jihad is less important than other things: Pakhtun nationalism, opposition to western invasion, desire to defend conservative Muslim values’, etc.
Admittedly, these measures would help us, but militancy is primarily our problem and we have to deal with it. It is not yet too late for the government to bring all political parties on board, to arrive at a consensus on a multi-faceted approach, whose objective must be to confront the militants not by force alone, but through a mix of dialogue, development and deterrence. It is not enough for our leaders to travel to foreign capitals and beg for aid on the plea that ‘if we fail, you too will be the victims of terrorism’. It would carry far greater conviction if such exhortation had been accompanied by a resolute leadership at home.A dangerous change
Back in the spotlight are the country’s controversial blasphemy laws. The reason: the Supreme Court’s Shariat Appellate Bench dismissed an appeal against a 1990 Federal Shariat Court judgment which decreed that under Article 295-C of the Pakistan Penal Code blasphemy against Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) should be punished with death, and not the alternative of life imprisonment.
Because of non-prosecution by the appellant the Supreme Court did not go into the merits of the appeal, but the result is that the FSC judgment is now operative: the death penalty is now mandatory under Article 295-C. Having opposed the penalty — although there is no doubt that the commission of blasphemy is deserving of the most stringent punishment — we regard Tuesday’s decision as regrettable.
Unfortunately, when it comes to the blasphemy laws there is a tendency to debate the issue from a religious perspective — but that is not the main issue here. From a purely technical perspective, the blasphemy laws contain too many loopholes to be considered soundly drafted in legal terms. Consider Article 295-C, which states: ‘Whoever by word, either spoken or written, or by visible representation, or by any imputation, innuendo or insinuation, directly or indirectly, defiles the sacred name of the Holy Prophet Mohammad (peace be upon him) shall be punished with death …’ The wording is vague and over-inclusive. Conceivably, someone belonging to another religion asking about the details of Islam or expressing his own religion’s position could be booked. Surely that is not something that should fall in the category of ‘blasphemy’.
The point is that vague laws always create opportunities for abuse and that the dangers increase manifold when vagueness is linked to something as extreme as the death penalty and as inflammatory as blasphemy. Pakistan’s experience with the blasphemy laws suggests they are potent tools of oppression that have been used to victimise the innocent. Score-settling, petty property disputes, personal revenge — all have been linked to blasphemy cases registered over the years. Upping the ante by making the death penalty mandatory in certain cases will only increase the already horrifying leverage that the unscrupulous have over those they wish to target.
Monday, April 20, 2009
Abusing Islam and its teachings
The Holy Qur'aan and Sunnah are the only two sources for the essential beliefs of those people who call themselves Muslims. Among those beliefs the most important one is that there is no deity other than Allah. This is the first half of the attestation of every Muslim, the second half being that Muhammad is Allah's Prophet. There are a few other fundamental principles that a Muslim is required to accept. Thers are some people who have no attachment with Islam, still they insist on misusing the names of "Islam" and "Muslim" either intentionally or in ignorance. In this article, we will try to briefly show how many "religious" groups around the world who use the name of Islam are in fact clearly and absolutely in violation of certain basic principles contained in the Holy Qur'aan and Sunnah.
The followers of the Nation Of Islam believe in (all quotes taken from their homepage or their publications): ...one God (Allah) and that Allah (God) appeared in the Person of Master W Fard Muhammad, July, 1930; the long awaited 'Messiah' of the Christians and the 'Mahdi' of the Muslims.
However, the Holy Qur'aan states in chapter 4, verse 36, "Serve Allah, and join not any partners with Him." And according to Islamic belief Allah do not appear in any person's shape. Although it is a Hindu belief that God appears in shape of man, which they term as 'Avtar', but Islam denies that. The followers of the Nation of Islam further believe "in the resurrection of the dead -- not in physical resurrection -- but in mental resurrection. We also believe that the so-called Negroes are most in need of mental resurrection; therefore, they will be resurrected first." But the Holy Qur'aan states in chapter 20, verse 55, "From the earth did We Create you, and into it Shall We return you, and from it shall We bring you out once again."
Even more pointedly, the Holy Qur'aan also states in Surah 64, verse 7, The Unbelievers think that they will not be raised up (for Judgement). Say: "Yea, by my Lord, Ye shall surely be Raised up: then shall ye Be told (the truth) of All that ye did. And that is easy for Allah."
Besides the above two differences, the followers of the Nation of Islam also believe in other things contrary to Islam as defined in the Holy Qur'aan and Sunnah, such as: [We, the Black Muslims, believe] "in the truth of the Bible, but we believe that it has been tampered with and must be reinterpreted so that mankind will not be snared by the falsehoods that have been added to it."
The problem with this belief is that Islam says that Bible is adulterated but there has not been any mention of reinterpretation of Bible, because the Holy Qur'aan has replaced every previous Book and every human and genie has to ask guidance from the Holy Qur'aan in all matters.
Further, the Nation of Islam's says, "That we who declare ourselves to be righteous Muslims, should not participate in wars which take the lives of humans. We do not believe this nation should force us to take part in such wars, for we have nothing to gain from it unless America agrees to give us the necessary territory wherein we may have something to fight for".
The problem with this belief is that the Holy Qur'aan and Sunnah are crystal clear on the necessity of going to war when the situation demands.
The Nation of Gods and Earths (5% Nation of Islam) is apparently an offshoot of the so-called Nation of Islam. Like its parent, this group's beliefs clearly identify it as being fundamentally outside the pale of Islam. Specifically, and we quote (from their homepage): The original man is the Asiatic Blackman, the maker, the owner, the cream of the planet Earth, father of civilization, God of the Universe. ...the blackman is god and his proper name is Allah. Arm, Leg, Leg, Arm, Head.
This is in clear contradiction with one of the essential axioms of Islam, namely that Allah (God) is Creator and all else (including men -- Asiatic blacks or otherwise) is created. In chapter 25, verse 54 of the Holy Qur'aan, Allah says that He has created man, therefore it is logically impossible for man to be Allah. The second quote above is a prime example of a tendency of the "Nation of Gods and Earths" to conjure up beliefs that are, to a large extent, highly confused. Some examples of these beliefs that have nothing to do with Islam are "supreme mathematics and alphabet", an evil person named Yacob, a prophet named WD Fard, and a belief that black people are superior in some way.
The true Prophet of Islam, Hadhrat Muhammad (Sall Allaho alaihe wasallam), refuted this last racist belief in his Farewell Address, 'O people! Verily your Lord is one and your father is one. All of you belong to one ancestry of Adam, and Adam was created out of clay. There is no superiority for an Arab over a non-Arab and for a non-Arab over an Arab; nor for white over the black nor for the black over the white, except in piety. Verily the noblest among you is he who is the most pious.' For a deeper expose of this group and its parent -- Nation of Islam -- the interested reader might wish to examine the autobiography of the late Malik Al-Shabaz (Malcolm X).
The Ah Movement, which originated in the Indian subcontinent, espouses beliefs, which leave no doubt as to their apostasy from Islam.
Among their erroneous beliefs is their denial of the Finality of Prophethood of Prophet Muhammad (Sall Allaho alaihe wasallam), an article of faith endorsed by the Holy Qur'aan and Hadith, and reports as well as the consensus of the Companions and scholars.
The Holy Qur'aan states: "O people! Muhammad has no sons among ye men, but verily, he is the Messenger of Allah and the last in the line of Prophets. And Allah is aware of everything." (33:40)
The true Prophet of Islam, Muhammad (Sall Allaho alaihe wasallam), observed: "The tribe of Israel was guided by prophets. When a prophet passed away, another succeeded him. But no prophet will come after me; only caliphs will succeed me." (Sahih Bukhari)
The followers of the Ah Movement are followers of a certain Mirza, who lay claim to prophethood and used fabricated Hadith reports and twisted meanings of some Qur'aanic verses to support himself. The Mirza, quoting the verse of the Holy Qur'aan about the prophethood of Prophet Muhammad (Sall Allaho alaihe wasallam), wrote in his book 'Aik Ghalati Ka Izalah' (A remedy to an error): "Muhammadur Rasoolullah: In this revelation I have been 'Muhammad' and 'Prophet' also."
This means that he did not only claim to be Prophet Muhammad by himself but also to be a prophet. He also opined in his other books that he was the reincarnation of Prophet Muhammad (Sall Allaho alaihe wasallam).
However, the true Prophet of Islam warned of this danger explicitly, "The Hour will not come ... until nearly thirty "Dajjals" (liars) appear, each one claiming to be a messenger from Allah." (Sahih Bukhari and Sahih Muslim)
Shortly after the death of Prophet Muhammad (Sall Allaho alaihe wasallam), a man named Musailamah, a claimant of prophethood, was fought against together with his followers for their apostasy. It is worth noting that Musailamah did not deny the prophethood of Prophet Muhammad (Sall Allaho alaihe wasallam) and nor did his followers. It is also worth noting that it was misinformation that led the tribe of Banu Hunaifa to accept Musailamah's false claims.
Nevertheless, the consensus of the Companions (Radhi Allaho anhum) was to declare them apostates and wage a war against them. This is evidence enough to declare the Ahmadis as non-Muslims. For a more thorough treatment of this subject consult this article.
Another example of the rejection of the Holy Qur'aan and Sunnah by the followers of this movemnet is their contention that Jesus Christ had died and the Mirza was a reincarnation of Jesus Christ. In fact, according to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1985, the Mirza claimed to be not only Jesus Christ but Prophet Muhammad, the Mahdi, and the Hindu god Krishna.
It suffices to refer back to the essence of Islam, which is the Uniqueness of God: any concept of man becoming god, worse yet a Hindu god who is one out of many, is false according to the Holy Qur'aan. On this, Islam is un-comprising, hence this error of the followers of the Ah Movement is the foremost indication of their exit from Islam.
The Submitters are followers of the late Rashad Khalifa, a man who claimed to be a Messenger of Allah. This claim in itself is sufficient to remove the Submitters from Islam as the Holy Qur'aan clearly states: "O people! Muhammad has no sons among ye men, but verily, he is the Messenger of Allah and the last in the line of Prophets. And Allah is aware of everything." (33:40)
As quoted above from the Sahih Bukhari, Prophet Muhammad (Sall Allaho alaihe wasallam) informed the Ummah that the tribe of Israel was guided by prophets, when a prophet passed away, another succeeded him, but no prophet will come after Prophet Muhammad (Sall Allaho alaihe wasallam), only caliphs would succeed him.
Much of Rashad Khalifa's misguidance can be traced to his obsession with numerology, an obsession which has misguided many different people throughout history. Khalifa alleged that the Holy Qur'aan contained a mathematical code which revolved around the number 19.
Khalifa even went to the extent of removing two verses from the Holy Qur'aan, because according to him "the word 'God' ... is not a multiple of 19, unless we remove [it]", and the "sum of all verse numbers where the word 'God' occurs is ... 19x6217 ... If the false verse 9:129 is included, this phenomenon disappears."
By rejecting a single verse of the Holy Qur'aan, the Submitters bring themselves under the judgement of another verse, "Do you believe in part of the Book and disbelieve in another part? And what is the reward of those who do so save ignominy in the life of the world, and on the Day of Resurrection they will be consigned to the most grievous doom." (2:85)
It is interesting to note that Khalifa was a numerologist who did his blighted profession justice: he predicted the end of the world. However, Allah says in the Holy Qur'aan, "They ask you about the (last) hour, when will be its taking place? Say: The knowledge of it is only with my Lord; none but He shall manifest it at its time; it will be momentous in the heavens and the earth; it will not come on you but of a sudden. They ask you as if you were solicitous about it. Say: Its knowledge is only with Allah, but most people do not know." (7:187)
The Submitters also reject the Sunnah of Prophet Muhammad (Prophet Muhammad (Sall Allaho alaihe wasallam) -- not part of it, but the whole of it. For the Submitters, the Sunnah is not a source of Islam.
The problems this presents are overwhelming, for by doing so the Submitters have effectively destroyed their ability to perform: Salaat (obligatory prayers), the second pillar of Islam; Zakat (obligatory tax), the third pillar of Islam; Sawm (fasting), the fourth pillar of Islam; Hajj (pilgrimage), the fifth pillar of Islam. With four out of the five pillars of Islam removed, the Submitters have little to back their claim to being "Muslims". The true Messenger of Islam (saws) warned Muslims of falling into this trap, Narrated AbuRafi':
Prophet Muhammad (Sall Allaho alaihe wasallam) said: "Let me not find one of you reclining on his couch when he hears something regarding me which I have commanded or forbidden [i.e. from the Sunnah] and saying: 'We do not know. What we found in Allah's Book [i.e. the Holy Qur'aan] we have followed.'" (Abu Dawood)
Before they signed the Nizam-e-Adl bill
Even when the ink had not yet dried on the presidential signature on the Nizam-e-Adl accord, the two prime signatories proceeded to their next favourite and much expected moves. The president packed his luggage and left for Dubai. The Maulana made a statement that the judgements of Qazi courts cannot be challenged in any other court and his next goal is to implement the Nizam-e-Adl in the rest of Pakistan. After all, Islamabad is just 100 miles away from the home of the new Sharia country and the Maulana sees no reason why his brand of justice should not be shared by its neighbours.
Malakand Division, a region that encompasses more than one-third of the North-West Frontier Province is now under a Sharia system that will primarily be defined by two great "jurists-in-law" (father-in-law and son-in-law). One is Maulana Fazlullah, whose real skills lie in the fields of radio frequency (RF) engineering and mass murder. He did not just ask 80,000 girls to quit education, but also destroyed the 200 schools that were engaged in this process. He also waged a bloody war against the state of Pakistan, killing hundreds of soldiers and civilians, in some cases dragging their dead bodies on the roads. The other is Sufi Mohammad, who was in jail till a few months back for his excellence in raising private armies. He led some 5,000 young men into Afghanistan in 2001, most of whom never returned to fight another day.
We need to understand what Sufi Mohammad and company really want. ''We hate democracy," Sufi recently told the crowd of thousands of followers in Mingora.
"We want the occupation of Islam in the entire world. Islam does not permit democracy or election. From the very beginning, I have viewed democracy as a system imposed on us by the infidels. Islam does not allow democracy or elections," he told the German news agency DPA just days before the Swat Accord was signed. His role model of a government is the Taliban government that ruled Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001. He said: "I believe the Taliban government formed a complete Islamic state, which was an ideal example for other Muslim countries." The Sufi has no ambiguity on the nature of punishments that he intends to generously distribute. "Penalties, including flogging, chopping off hands and stoning to death, must be available to Swat's Islamic courts. These punishments are prescribed in Islam. No one can stop that. It is God's law," said Sufi Mohammad, sitting on the floor in his makeshift headquarters in Mingora.
The Pakistani state has surrendered to the Sufi and the Maulana-led militants for imposition of a despotic rule in Malakand. The lives, wishes and faith of thousands of men, women and children have been made hostage to the interpretations of a few individuals. The Sufi wants the regular courts in Swat to pack up and leave as the "shariat" courts with "qazis" will start functioning soon. These were not the democratic ideals this country was made for. The new "peace accord" may well have signalled the end of Pakistan as we know it.
What has caused parts of Pakistan (and perhaps the entire Pakistan at some stage) to begin surrendering to speedy justice and other promised social reforms by militants. Clearly, for all these years, the state could provide its citizens nothing but poor governance, delayed justice, lawlessness and massive corruption. These are fertile conditions that would make any people vulnerable and receptive to alternate options. A small band of fanatics can easily occupy the space vacated by a large peaceful majority. The political parties and the civil society (except for the MQM) have failed to take a clear position and have opted to watch the show from the sidelines. Clearly, no lessons were learnt from the famous words of German anti-Nazi theologian Pastor Martin Niemoller: "First they came for the communists [read Swat], and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a communist [read Swati]. Then they came for me, and there was no one was left to speak for me."
It is the responsibility of the state to guarantee the right to life, liberty and security of every citizen, without distinction of race, sex, religion, or the territory to which a person belongs. The state cannot hand over these rights to people who themselves have arrived at the scene by conquering a territory of Pakistan. The political leadership and the armed forces of Pakistan ought to be held accountable for this surrender. The survival of the state as a cohesive society is seriously threatened if it continues to overlook and patronise the urban militancy (such as the one witnessed at Shanakht Festival), as well as the religious fanaticism.
Pakistan would be on a self-destruct trajectory if the state was to become instrumental in enforcing any one or the other brand of a sect or a religion on all its citizens. One wished there was a short "Universal Declaration of Human Rights 101" course given to all our legislators before they signed the Nizam-e-Adl bill in such indecent haste.
Malakand Division, a region that encompasses more than one-third of the North-West Frontier Province is now under a Sharia system that will primarily be defined by two great "jurists-in-law" (father-in-law and son-in-law). One is Maulana Fazlullah, whose real skills lie in the fields of radio frequency (RF) engineering and mass murder. He did not just ask 80,000 girls to quit education, but also destroyed the 200 schools that were engaged in this process. He also waged a bloody war against the state of Pakistan, killing hundreds of soldiers and civilians, in some cases dragging their dead bodies on the roads. The other is Sufi Mohammad, who was in jail till a few months back for his excellence in raising private armies. He led some 5,000 young men into Afghanistan in 2001, most of whom never returned to fight another day.
We need to understand what Sufi Mohammad and company really want. ''We hate democracy," Sufi recently told the crowd of thousands of followers in Mingora.
"We want the occupation of Islam in the entire world. Islam does not permit democracy or election. From the very beginning, I have viewed democracy as a system imposed on us by the infidels. Islam does not allow democracy or elections," he told the German news agency DPA just days before the Swat Accord was signed. His role model of a government is the Taliban government that ruled Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001. He said: "I believe the Taliban government formed a complete Islamic state, which was an ideal example for other Muslim countries." The Sufi has no ambiguity on the nature of punishments that he intends to generously distribute. "Penalties, including flogging, chopping off hands and stoning to death, must be available to Swat's Islamic courts. These punishments are prescribed in Islam. No one can stop that. It is God's law," said Sufi Mohammad, sitting on the floor in his makeshift headquarters in Mingora.
The Pakistani state has surrendered to the Sufi and the Maulana-led militants for imposition of a despotic rule in Malakand. The lives, wishes and faith of thousands of men, women and children have been made hostage to the interpretations of a few individuals. The Sufi wants the regular courts in Swat to pack up and leave as the "shariat" courts with "qazis" will start functioning soon. These were not the democratic ideals this country was made for. The new "peace accord" may well have signalled the end of Pakistan as we know it.
What has caused parts of Pakistan (and perhaps the entire Pakistan at some stage) to begin surrendering to speedy justice and other promised social reforms by militants. Clearly, for all these years, the state could provide its citizens nothing but poor governance, delayed justice, lawlessness and massive corruption. These are fertile conditions that would make any people vulnerable and receptive to alternate options. A small band of fanatics can easily occupy the space vacated by a large peaceful majority. The political parties and the civil society (except for the MQM) have failed to take a clear position and have opted to watch the show from the sidelines. Clearly, no lessons were learnt from the famous words of German anti-Nazi theologian Pastor Martin Niemoller: "First they came for the communists [read Swat], and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a communist [read Swati]. Then they came for me, and there was no one was left to speak for me."
It is the responsibility of the state to guarantee the right to life, liberty and security of every citizen, without distinction of race, sex, religion, or the territory to which a person belongs. The state cannot hand over these rights to people who themselves have arrived at the scene by conquering a territory of Pakistan. The political leadership and the armed forces of Pakistan ought to be held accountable for this surrender. The survival of the state as a cohesive society is seriously threatened if it continues to overlook and patronise the urban militancy (such as the one witnessed at Shanakht Festival), as well as the religious fanaticism.
Pakistan would be on a self-destruct trajectory if the state was to become instrumental in enforcing any one or the other brand of a sect or a religion on all its citizens. One wished there was a short "Universal Declaration of Human Rights 101" course given to all our legislators before they signed the Nizam-e-Adl bill in such indecent haste.
Capacity building of clerical staff in educational institutions
CBM for clerical and non-clerical staff is an emerging phenomenon in Paskistan. This is about bringing positive change in offices and the officials
By Muhammad Ayub Buzdar
In order to achieve any goal in a systematic way the role of leadership and management is indubitably compulsory. In addition, the role of supporting staff is also unavoidable. One can often observe the role of subordinates and clerical staff in any office of educational and non-educational organisations. The job of the clerical staff is to facilitate and assist rather than slow down the pace of the educational program. They are responsible for the creation of professional and friendly environment in the offices. Besides their academic qualification, the personnel already working in the organisations also need latest knowledge, techniques, skills, methodologies and approaches to enhance their performance. All such professional expertise can be inculcated in them through 'Capacity Building Mechanism' (CBM).
CBM for clerical and non clerical staff is a new and emerging phenomenon. This is about bringing positive change in offices and the officials. All the well structured Organisations plan and implement numerous programs to enhance their staff's working capacity as a part of their Staff Development Program.
The goal of CBM is basically a positive and creative "CHANGE" in the workers' knowledge, behaviour, attitude and competence along with their skills, values and beliefs. This process is designed to improve job understanding, promote more effective job performance and establish future goals for career growth. According to Morphet, Johns and Reller (1959:431) the prime concerns of such programs will include these questions.
1. What behavior do we wish to change?
2. What is the present condition or level of behaviour we wish to change?
3. What is the desired condition we wish to achieve in personnel performance?
4. How can we link learning theory to staff development programs?
5. What type of training shall be employed (classroom, on-the-job, apprenticeship)?
6. What type of newer technologies shall be employed (computers, projectors, close circuit T.V, programmed text materials and video cassettes)
7. What indicators shall we use to evaluate the effectiveness of development programs?
Prominent universities of the developed countries like University of Leicester, University of Bath, University of Queensland Australia, University of California, University of Leads and Shepherd University have developed capacity building programs for their teaching and clerical staff. The chief aim of such programs is to assist the development of each individual and group to boost up organisation's performance through improving organisational efficiency and effectiveness.
COMPONENTS OF CAPACITY BUILDING MECHANISM
Honadle (1981) describes seven components that form the CBM for the development of any type of staff.
1. AN ANALYSIS OF THE SITUATION:
At first step it is to be analysed that:
(a) What the organisation is doing?
(b) How well is it doing it?
(c) What is the current level of activities?
2. ANTICIPATE THE CHANGE:
At the second step, the lessons learnt from the analysis of the first step are to be applied in the future activities, a change can be anticipated as a result. This change can be of any type ranging from the demographic, economic, political, operational, and professional and academic.
3. POLICY MAKING:
Consequence of anticipation is policy making. Policy is formulated on the bases of best available knowledge, manpower and infrastructure. Basic aim of policy must be to meet the anticipating change.
4. DEVELOPMENT OF PROGRAMS:
To implement the policies, creation and development of feasible and appropriate work plan and program is compulsory. This program will consist of the detail of required sources and services, their generation and steps to utilize these sources and services to achieve the goals.
5. ATTRACT AND ABSORB THE RESOURCES:
The Mechanism must have the ability to collect the resources and then absorb them. This includes the recruitment and/or selection of personnel, taxing and grants-man-ship. Absorbing the resources is to utilize these resources. Sometimes an organisation has the resources but lacks the ability to utilize them fully. MANAGEMENT OF RESOURCES:
The elements management resources are; budgeting, financial management, personnel relations and record keeping. Better resource management saves the wastage of human and material resources.
6. EVALUATION AND FEEDBACK:
Evaluation is the soul of all this process. Evaluation of the past and current activities provides true guidance to plan and implement future actions.
There are various factors which affect capacity building;
A) staff competence and capabilities,
B) salaries
C) service hours
D) dual employment and side business
E) personnel management
F) administration style
G) motivation
RETURNS OF CAPACITY BUILDING MECHANISM:
Development and training is an easy way to help your employees become more engaged. People choose to work with organisations that encourage development and stay with you if you continue to provide opportunities for development, whether formally or informally. People produce their best work when they are interested and committed to what they do. If they believe in their organisation's products and services, and they can see that the organisation values their contribution by supporting their development in concrete ways, they are very likely to be engaged.
ROLE OF CAPACITY BUILDING MECHANISM FOR CLERICAL STAFF:
Capacity building has become equivalent to full change. It plays an integral part in developing the institutions' philosophy, goals and expectations. Training and development activities increase professionalism, productivity and individual and organisational effectiveness. Examples of such activities include job related enhancement, change personnel attitude and behaviors, career development, instructional development, new, strengthened and refined skills and research and scholarships, when appropriate. The elements, which highlight the role of CBM for clerical staff, are:
A) IMPACTS ON STUDENT LEARNING:
Clerical staff is critically involved in learning process of students. It is to facilitate and manage the activities of students as well as other staff. It also creates a friendly environment in the institution. All these elements have impacts on students' learning. So any improvement in the clerical staff is bound to influence the student learning.
B) IMPACTS ON TEACHERS' PERFORMANCE:
For an effective functioning of the institutions, it is necessary that the teaching staff is provided adequate support in the following areas of work: (a) library (b) laboratory (c) clerical work and (d) non clerical work (Kapoor and Permi, 1988:73)
As described, clerical staff is to facilitate the teachers and to manage their activities Improvement in their abilities to assist, support the enhancement of teachers professional performance.
C) IMPACTS ON MANAGEMENT AND ADMINISTRATION:
The main aim of capacity building of clerical staff is to develop quality management and administration.
D) IMPACTS ON THEIR INDIVIDUAL CAREER:
Capacity building of clerical staff provides it ability and opportunity to get progress and growth in its career.
D) UNDERSTANDING OF RESPONSIBILITIES AND DUTIES:
Trough this mechanism a staff member understands the nature of his job, its needs and requirements, its purposes and his own role related to that job.
E) ORGANISATIONAL GROWTH:
Improvement in skills, behaviour, efficiency, competency and motivation of staff consequently gives the results of growth, development and expansion of an organisation.
F) COMPULSORY TO FORMULATE AND ACHIEVE FUTURE GOALS:
To formulate and achieve future objectives and goals, CBM provides knowledge of latest technology, required skills, required behaviour and attitude, required efficiency and required understanding of responsibilities.
To sum it up, while keeping in mind all the positive points regarding capacity building of clerical staff and the change it will bring in the long run, there are some challenges which continue to serve as a deterrent for such a process.
In Pakistan, organisations especially public sector organisations don't practice this process completely and comprehensively. Firstly, the existence of such mechanism is rare and secondly, the full concentration is on programs development rather than the situation analysis, objectives formulation, policy making and evaluation and feed back, which are compulsory to judge the levels of mechanism's achievements as well as overall program structure.
Another hurdle is the structure and environment of our offices. After the training, retraining, or any other type of Capacity Building Program like coaching, counseling, and monitoring, when an employee comes back in the office, it does not match theoretically, functionally or practically with the atmosphere which he observed and learned during his training.
Hence, he doesn't see his newly gained knowledge materialize into action. It is also obligatory for management to provide the staff environment and infrastructure according to its caliber and responsibilities. These steps will change office environment and employee behaviour, develop staff capacity and capability, and enhance teaching and learning system in the educations institutions.
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