Khatami and Iran’s Nuclear Goals

Iran’s coming presidential elections are likely to be one of the most crucial for the country. The economy of course tops the agenda of both the voters and candidates. But a more emotional selling point in this vote appears to be the stand politicians take on the country’s controversial nuclear programme that has become a matter of national pride.

The Principalists led by President Mahmoud Ahmadenijad are backed strongly by the Supreme Council that has in its so-called vetting process already disqualified as many as 1700 candidates from the reformist camp. Former president Mohammad Khatami, a reformist who is running for a third term in office, poses a serious challenge to President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Khatami enjoys huge popular support, especially among the younger, post-Revolution population. Khatami who lost out to the Principalist in 2005 had angered the conservatives by his social reforms and reaching out to the West.

As the poll campaign for the June vote heats up, the main candidates are wooing the voters by reemphasising their stands on ‘core issues’. Ahmadinejad’s position on the nuclear programme has been consistently belligerent from the day he took over from Khatami in 2005.

An active revival of the uranium enrichment process led to a Security Council resolution and severe economic sanctions were imposed on Iran. The enrichment process that was halted during Khatami’s government has continued despite international condemnation and reprisals.

Khatami’s new rhetoric on Iran’s right to acquire a peaceful nuclear programme thus targets Iranian voters. He has also held the incumbent responsible for Iran’s isolation in the international community and its economic woes. He has also claimed that Iran could have attained peaceful nuclear technology without suffering the consequences that the current Iranian government has visited on the country thanks to its policies. Interestingly, Khatami who was elected in 1997 had been responsible for much advancement in the establishment of Iran’s nuclear programme. In fact the first nuclear reactor at Bhusher was started under him in 2002 as well as the reactors at Nantaz and Arsak.

Khatami’s measures to halt Iran’s nuclear programme in 2004 in return for trade concessions for Iran and his decision to engage in negotiations with European states in 2005 including France, Germany and UK had consolidated the impression of his being flexible and moderate. The US also decided to retract from its rigid position on Iran and offered to back talks with the EU, while also offering to lift a decades old blockade on Iran for entry into the World Trade Organisation.

Maybe Iran could learn a lesson or two from its neighbours such as the UAE. The UAE has managed to make strides towards acquiring peaceful civilian nuclear power by displaying political maturity and strategic acumen in seeking nuclear technology and fuel through legal international channels. Khatami’s position is a welcome indication that there is an alternative school of thought in Iran that is looking at internationally accepted means to meet the commitment to the country’s pursuit of advancement in technology and a civilian nuclear programme by peaceful means. Whatever the outcome of upcoming elections, Iran’s leaders should chart out a more mature and peaceful path for their people.